16 Temmuz 2012 Pazartesi

TÜRBAN TÜRBAN DEDİKLERİ- A TURBAN BY ANY OTHER NAME...


TÜRKÇE (For English please scroll own.)

Ülkemizde senelerdir bir “türban” lâfı dolaşır durur.  “Türbanla” üniversiteye girilmeli mi, devlet memurları “türban” giyebilir mi,  mecliste “türbanlı” milletvekilleri olsun mu vb. vb. Kendini “lâik cumhuriyetin” bekçisi sayan Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri “türban” yasağını titizlikle uygularken AKP’nin yükselişiyle “türbanlı” başbakan ve cumhurbaşkanı hanımlarıyla burunburuna geldi.  
Bu polemiği şimdilik bir kenara bırakıp  şu “türban” kelimesini  inceleyelim. Bütün dünya oldum olası Türk’ü “türbanlı” olarak tanır; hem de sadece kadıları değil, ekekleri de. Evet, “Muhteşem Süleyman” denince gözlerinin önüne “türbanlı” bir hükümdar gelir. Ama şu farkla ki, bütün dünyanın turban diye tanıdığı ve Türklerle özdeşleştirdiği nesne Türklerin “türban” dediklerinden başkadır. “Turban”, bizim “sarık” ya da “kavuk” dediği şeydir. 
Türk kültürünü tanıtan bir kitaptan turban'ı açıklayan sayfalar. Turkish Delights, Philippa Scott, Thames & Hudson, London, 2001

Genç Türk Kadını, Anne-Louis Girodet de Roussy- Trioson.
Odalık, Natalia Sciavoni.
 Lady Mary Montagu, Jean-Baptiste van Mour
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu 18. yüzyıl başlarında İngiltere'nin İstanbul'daki büyükelçisinin eşiydi ve yazdığı mektuplarla Lale Devri İstanbul'u hakkında çok değerli gözlemler bırakmıştır.

  Prenses Victoria Türk kıyafetiyle, Sir W.C. Ross 
Resimdeki Prenses Victoria, ünlü Kraliçe Victoria'nın kızıdır. Sonradan Kaiser III Friedrich'in eşi olarak Alman imparatoriçesi olacaktır. 1850'den kalma bu portre, o zamanki Türk kadını imajının nasıl olduğunu gayet iyi anlatıyor.
 Paris'te yaşadığımız yıllarda (1998 öncesi) eşimin böyle 'alla Turca" ilhamlı bir resmini yapmıştım, başına da bir "turban" koymuştum. Şekli o gün anladığım şekilde tam bir sarık, bugünkü "türbanlılara" mahsus saç gösterme fobisi de yok.

Saygın ve ayrıca benim de çok güvendiğim Funk & Wagnalls sözlüğü “turban” kelimesini şöyle tanımlıyor:

tur.ban (tûr’ban) n. 1.An oriental head covering consisting of a sash or shawl, twisted about the head or about a cap. 2. Any similar headdress. 3. A round-crowned brimless hat for women or children. [< F turban, turbant < Ital. turbante < Turkish tülbend < dial. alter. af dülbend < Persian dulbanddul turn + band band]

Mana murad olundukta: 1. Baş etrafına ya da bir kep etrafında bir kumaş ya da şalı bükerek sarmak (“twist”) toluyla yapılan doğuya özgü baş örtüsü. 2. Buna benzer herhangi bir başlık. 3. Kadın ve çocuklar için yuvarlak alınlı, kenarsız şapka.

Kökeni farsça “dulband”’a dayandırmış, “dul” döndürmek, “band” bizde “bant” kelimesine dönüşen dar  uzun kumaş. Kelime bizim  “tülbent” kelimesinin de kökeni.
Aynı kelime batı dillerinde “Lale” karşılığı olan “tulip”, “tulipe”, “tulpe”, “tulpa”’nın da kökeni; çiçeğin kavuğu andıran şeklini bilisiniz.

(Funk & Wagnalls Standard College Dictionary, Harper & Row, New York, 1977)

Bugün ülkemizde yaygın olduğu şekliyle “türban” söylemi dilimize ne zaman, nasıl girdi bilmiyorum, ama merak ediyorum. Bildiğim şu ki çok eskiye dayanmıyor.  1995’ten önce Abant’ta Turban Otel’den fiyat sormuştuk (ve pahalı bulup gitmemiştik), o zaman Türkiye’deki bir turistik tesisin bu isimle tanınması – sarıklı sultan imajından dolayı- bana son derece normal gelmişti. Hatta gözümün önüne Hint hava yolları’nın sarıklı mihrace maskotu gelmişti. 

Hint Havayolları (Aır India) kendini böyle bir maskotla tanıtırdı. Adını 1995'ten önce duyduğum Turban Otel'in adı bana böyle bir imaj çağrıştırıyordu.

Yani ya ben çok cahildim, ya da bugün yaygınlaştığı hâliyle “türban” kelimesi henüz tedavüle girmemişti.
 Bugünkü söyleme göre "türban" giyen hanımlarımız.

Polemik çıktığı zaman, kelimenin yanlış kullanımı dışında, “türban” dedikleri başörtüsüne başkaları kadar kızmıyordum. İnsanların istediği gibi giyinme özgürlüğü bakımından kafaya öyle ya da böyle bez sarma isteğine karşı çıkmanın yanlış olduğunu düşünüyordum. 1999’da “türbanlı milletvekili” Merve Kavakçı olayında yazılı bir kural bulamadıkları için ABD vatandaşlığı almış olması, o da tutmayınca (çünkü biz çifte vatandaşlığı kabul ediyoruz) ABD vatandaşlığına geçerken bunu Türk makamlarına haber vermemiş olması gerekçe gösterilerek milletvekilliği düşürülmüştü. Bu gerçekten de “laik” cumhiriyette vicdan hürriyetine yapılan bir baskı olarak görülesi bir şeydi.

AKP yükselişe geçince askerle sürtüşmesi ilk “türban” cephesinde başladı. Orduevlerine “türbanlı” kadınlar giremezken önce başbakanın ve bazı bakanların, sonra da artı olarak cumhurbaşkanının eşleri “türbanlı” olunca işler gerildi. 30 Ağustos resepsyonlarına “türbanlı” eşler davet edilmedi. Kılık kıyafet üzerine yürütülen bu sürtüşme dünyanın gözünde Türk askerinin “baskıcı” imajını arttırmıştır elbette; o “baskıcı” imajın yaygınlaşmasında eski solcu (çoğu şimdi “Atatürkçü” ve “türban” düşmanı) aydınlarımızın ne kadar büyük payı olduğunu gözardı etmemek lâzım.
O zamanki abuk durumu ve uygulanan baskıyı (baskıydı çünkü) “laik” ve “Atatürkçü” cephe şöyle mazur gösteriyordu: “Başörtüsünü bizim anneannelerimiz de bağlıyordu, bunların yaptığı tarikat usulüdür ve siyasi semboldür!”  Kişisel özgürlükler bakımından bu biraz zayıf bir savunu gibi gözüküyordu bana!

Ama haksız görünen o baskılara rağmen Fethullah isimli bir tarikat lideri Amerika’dan beri Türkiye’yi ve sistemini tepetaklak edip kendi aklına uyan bir parti, bir başbakan, bir cumhurbaşkanı, bir hukuk sistemi, bir polis ve bir basın yaratarak eşi görülmemiş bir intikam hırsıyla bir taraftan aydınları, bir taraftan askerleri, bir taraftan öğrencileri sudan sebeplerle tutuklatıp senelerce içeride tuttu, tutmaya da devam ediyor. Yeni idare  ”pedagojik reform” kisvesiyle eğitim sistemini dini temellere oturtuyor, milli bayramlarımızın kutlanmasını yasaklarken cumhuriyetimizin tarihi yeniden yazılıyor, kahramanları karalanıyor, hainleri yüceltiliyor. “Özgürlük”,”demokrasi” diyerek çocukların zihinlerine saldırıyorlar. İnsanların korku ve acılarını istismar ederek halkı din ve taassupla hüküm altına alıyorlar. Ve getirdikleri yeni karanlık çağın bayraklarından en gözükeni, adını bile doğru kullanmadıkları şu “türban”.  

AKP, destekçileri, fikir babaları, yandaşları gücü ele geçirince öyle berbat davranmaya başladılar ki, zamanında onlara ve temsil ettikleri değerlere baskı koymuş olanlar (ve şimdi bu yüzden Silivri ve Hasdal’da tutuklu bulunanlar) haklı çıkıyorlar.  Demek ki toplumumuz hakikaten özgürlükleri sindiremiyor! Demek ki 28 Şubat gerçekten bir tehlikeyi bertaraf etmek için yapılmış. O tehlike bertaraf edilemeyince ne olduğunu şimdi görüyoruz. Yarın daha da net göreceğiz.

Özgürlük diyerek taassup getirmek niye? Bu “türban” saçmalığı gerçekten  de Türk kadınını tekrar çarşafa sokmak için bir adım mı? Buna kim, neden özendiriyor? Özenen nasıl özeniyor?  

Türkiye hududu, arkada Avrupa sosyetesinin şık kompartmanlarda seyahat ettiği ünlü Orient Express, önde Türk kadınları. Bu günleri geride bıraktık sanıyorduk!

Türk kadını, herşey sende başladığı gibi, herşey sende bitiyor. Buna neden izin veriyorsun?


ENGLISH
The footnote links do not work; you will have to scroll down to to the footnotes for expanded information. Opening the blogsite on two seperate windows and keeping one on the footnotes will make it easier to go back and forth. Sorry for the inconvenience, I'm no expert!. 
For years now there has been talk of türban in this country. Türban, as in the English “turban” (and in French, and in German, and in God knows how many more languages).
Now this may seem most natural, since the “turban” is, barring tge fez, the headdress most strongly associated with the historic image of the Turk.
You will probably find it strange that the türban controversy has been powerfully pulling and tugging at the fabric of Turkish for years, and that this bone of contention has occupied center stage in the showdown between the secular an Islamist forces that has culminated in the vengeful victory of the Islamists.

Stanger still, the türban in question bears no similarity to what everyone else calls a “turban”. In other words, only in Turkey is the türban not a “turban”! 

What everybody but the Turk calls a "turban".
From Turkish Delights, Philippa Scott, Thames & Hudson, London, 2001.
Young Turkish Woman, Anne-Louis Girodet de Roussy- Trioson.


Odalisque, Natalia Sciavoni.
Lady Mary Montagu, Jean-Baptiste van Mour.
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu .was the wife of the British ambassador in the early years of the 18th century. Her letters have left a vivid record of Istanbul of her time.
Princess Victoria in Turkish dress, Sir W.C. Ross.
The young lady in the painting is a daughter of the famous Queen Victoria of Britain. She later married Friedrich III and, for the shor duration of her husband's reign, became Empress of Germany. This painting from 1850 illustrates the European image of Turkish womanhood at the time.

We were living in Paris between 1996 and 1998, and that's where I made this fanciful, alla Turca drawing of my wife, wearing what I know as a "turban". Back then it never occured to me to conceal the hair, and flaunt işt as much as the painters represented above have done!
What is more, the word türban has entered common usage rather recently in the Turkish language!
 
Let’s backtrack: what is a “turban”? According to my Funk & Wagnalls Standard College Dictionary, (Harper & Row, New York, 1977):

tur.ban (tûr’ban) n. 1.An oriental head covering consisting of a sash or shawl, twisted about the head or about a cap. 2. Any similar headdress. 3. A round-crowned brimless hat for women or children. [< F turban, turbant < Ital. turbante < Turkish tülbend < dial. alter. af dülbend < Persian dulbanddul turn + band band]

An etymologically related the word is “tulip”, (French: “tulipe”, German: “tulpe”, Latin: “tulpa”), a flower with a form that recalls the turban.

What is commonly known in the world as a”turban” is, for the Turks, a sarık or a kavuk. The only word in our language today that comes from the same roots is tülbent (a word which figures among the etymological roots following the definition above) and it means gauze or cheesecloth.
When one speaks of a türban today, one refers to a head-scarf worn by a woman in such a way as to conceal the hair completely, and denote nuances of religious persuasion according to how it is worn around the head. There is some conviction there that revealing any of the hair to strangers’ eyes is a kind of sin, something familiar to us from orthodox Judaism. 

How far back does the the use of the word “türban” go in the Turkish language? Not very!

I remember trying to reserve a room in a certain “Turban Hotel” (and giving up, because it was too costly). I remember finding the name perfectly normal for a tourist establishment in Turkey, the image of a pampered Sultan or Pasha in oriental comfort . I even remember imagining the turbaned Maharadja mascot of Air India! 

When I tried to make a reservation at the Turban hotel sometime before 1995, this is the image that floated before my mind's eye: the mascot of Air India!

I tried to make the reservation from Ankara, which we left in 1995, so as far as I am concerned that word had not yet entered common currency in the Turkish language at the time. I also suspect the introduction of the word coincides with the introduction of the head-scarf with religious significance into Turkish society.

A head-scarf always was and still is very common among Turkish women, used more and more with advancing age, so the change would not be immediately obvious to the outsider, for whom a head-scarf is a head-scarf. (Joke I heard in Germany: “How can you tell a Turkish horse?” Answer: “From the head-scarf!”) A Turkish woman you saw with an head-scarf one day could wear a hat the next, or walk around with no headdress at all if the mood took her. The head-scarf was simply a cover for the head like any other, interchangeable and with no religious significance at all. The common head-scarf has its own word in Turkish: başörtü (literally “head-covering”).  The türban however is considered sacrosanct as the holy Scripture, a radical political statement, a declaration of a desire for the Sharia, Islamic Religious Law: the antithesis of womens’ rights, paradoxically defended by women. 

 Turkish women wearing head-scarfs that are not türban.
(Image from the media.) 
Turkish women wearing what they call türban.
(Image from the media.)
The reaction of the secular Republic and its intelligentsia was to condemn the “türban”, to ban it, to illegalize it! It was suspected that the “türban” was a step towards a return to the veil, the black chador, a degeneration that would turn the secular Republic into another Iran! As for myself, having witnessed the personal freedom enjoyed by citizens of western countries, I saw these fears as far fetched and found the bans and restrictions unjust and un-democratic.

In 1999 Merve Kavakçı, an elected parlamentarian of the female gender attempted to force the issue by attending the parliamentary session with her türban wrapped around her head and all hell broke loose. There was no rule expressly forbidding a türban, so her opponents tried to get her through other means. They hit upon the fact that she had become a US citizen, but had trouble making it stick because Turkey accepts double citizenship (though the US doesn’t) and there was nothing in the books for or against elected parliamentarians who fall into this group. Then they used the pretext that, when taking up US citizenship, she had failed to notify Turkish authorities, and her status as Member of Parliament was duly anulled.

Though there is something hard to digest about an MP being a citizen of another country, the treatment of Merve Kavakçı did look unfair and lent justification to those who saw the “secular” principles of the Republic as repressive towards  the pious and called into question the “freedom of faith” promised by the Republic.

As the fundamentalist- oriented AKP rose, winning the elections of Nov. 3rd 2002, the secular Armed Forces looked on with suspicion. The new Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan had a türban-wearing wife- a first for the secular Turkish Republic.[1] The staunchly secular Armed Forces, guardians of the Republic, were at a loss as to how to react. Turkish officers’ wives may not wear a türban, fundamentalists were routinely filtered out of the armed forces. The Turkish Armed Forces have always been wary of anything that smacks of reviving fundamentalist activity or “irtidja”.[2]

Now the awkward situation arose wherein the Prime Minister himself, higher in protocol than the Armed Forces, was flaunting the secular measures so jealously guarded by the Armed Forces. Then this was compounded when the Prime Minister and the AKP exploited their majority to bring like-minded Abdullah Gül to the presidency- with türban wearing wife as First Lady![3] This was seen as an unheard-of violation of the office once held by Atatürk himself, the founder of the secular Turkish Republic!
Protests were launched to stop it, large demonstrations were organized, a monster rally in Istanbul, which has gone down in recent Turkish history as the Çağlayan rally, brought together literally hundreds of thousands on April 29th, 2007.[4] 

The government had its way, Gül became President and to many, the last bastion of the Republic had fallen!
The Armed Forces reacted clumsily, and entered an era- stretching to today- when it could do nothing right. The 30th of August celebrations were regularly hosted by the Armed Forces, which had pointedly issued single personal invitations to MP’s whose wives wore the türban. ("Don't bring your wife!") Now a fundamentalist-oriented President was officially the supreme head of the Armed Forces. Some high ranking officers would refuse to stand up to or shake hands with AKP parliamentarians, like Lieut. Gen. Engin Alan, who did not stand up in the presence of Prime Minister Erdoğan,[5] and  Lieut. Gen. Aslan Güner, who reportedly slipped out of the protocol lineup to avoid having to salute the türban-wearing First Lady.[6] 

A general steps out of line to avoid saluting a türban-wearing First Lady,
October 19th, 2007.
(Image from the media.)
  
Chief of Staff Full-Gen. Yaşar Büyükanıt held out, and was massively criticized for it, until August 30th celebrations of 2007, at which time he submitted to the precepts of duty and gave President Gül, Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, the military salute.[7]

Chief of Staff Büyükanıt finally saluting President Gül, August 30th, 2007.
(Image from the media.)

I remember feeling relieved when I saw the salute televised; this was a chance for normalization. The Islamists were victorious, had won the elections and asserted their rights. All they had to do now was to show us that our fears were unfounded, that they were in fact as dedicated to the secular state as we were and they asked nothing more than the normal democratic right of exercising their faith in the way they interpreted it without imposing it upon others. It was a perfect chance for reconciliation.

But they blew it famously! It became an age of vengeance and counter-revolution, of fundamentalist reaction, of the terrible irtidja that the Armed Forces had been so wary of.

Since then Turkey’s history has been a string of conspiracy allegations, police raids, arrests, planted and fabricated evidence, blackmail, extended trials, improbably long sentences, the buying out of the media, attacks on nationalist sentiments and the pumping up of religious ones, the discrediting and purging of the Armed Forces, the dismantling of the secular Republic and its institutions, the selling out of national resources and plundering of natural ones, a mushrooming of highrises and shopping centers accompanied by skyrocketing credit debts and ruined families, the corruption of the system of education in favour of a fundamentalist Islamist slant, a full scale attack on the impressionable minds of ever younger children, and a slow but deliberate transformation of modern Turkey into a theocracy in the most medieval sense. And the banner of this retrograde revolution has been the türban.

The more the AKP, and the spiritual leader Fethullah Gülen in his Philadelphia home, run on their vengeful rampage, the more the hundreds in captivity- journalists, intellectuals, academicians and officers- are vindicated in their suspicions that had once seemed so exaggerated and unfair. Apparently our society really can’t handle freedom: when granted liberty, it abuses it to get itself enslaved again! Even the controversial military muscle-flexing with tanks rolling through Sincan and the much aligned National Security Council Resolutions of February 28th are thus vindicated.[8] The Islamists have shown themselves to be as horrid, unjust, and fanatical as their opponents made them out to be!  

Where is the point of shouting “freedom” and bringing repression? Is this nonsensical türban controversy really the first step in bringing back the veil, and then the black chadoor, as its opponents nave claimed? Who is pushing for this, and why? How is it that our women, our young girls, actually end up wanting to do this?

The luxury Orient Express at the Turkish border. Inside, the elegant gentlemen and ladies in their compartments, outside... this! 
To think we had left all of this behind!

The Turkish woman, everything starts with her, everything ends with her! How can she allow this to happen?


[1] Emine Erdoğan.
[2] İrtica- pronounced “irtidja”- means reactionary activity aiming to re-establish religious law- the “Sharia”- upon all aspects of life.
[3] Hayrünnisa Gül.
[4] Çağlayan Mitingi, from Çağlayan Square in Istanbul, where it was held.
[5] At commemoration ceremonies at the Dardanelles, March 18th, 2004.
[6] During the arrival of President Gül and his wife at Esenboğa Airport, Ankara, October 19th 2007.
[7] Gen. Büyükanıt had pointedly avoided doing so the day before, on August 29th 2007, at the graduation ceremony of the military hospital, GATA.
[8] In 1997 there was a coalition government of the Right-of-Centre DYP (Doğru Yol Partisi-the “True Path Party” and the strongly Islamist and undisguisedly anti-secular RP (Refah Partisi- the “Welfare Party”). It was viewed with suspicion by the secular-Kemalist elite, and especially the military. Political opponents of the DYP and RP did not hesitate to use the sensitivity of the Armed Forces to topple their rivals, and rang the alarm bells. The conduct of the RP did not help to allay fears; on January 30th, 1997 the RP mayor of Sincan, (“Sindjan”) a suburb of Ankara, put on a play called Cihad (“Djihad”, meaniing “Holy War”), with the ambassador of Iran as guest of honor. Ambassador Mohammed Reza Bagheri’s speech was strong enough to get him called to the Ministry of Exterior afterwards. The press took up the theme, and tanks rolled through the streets of Sincan on February 4th, 1997 in a show of military muscle. On February 28th the National Security council (MGK-Milli Güvenlik Kurulu- a body that has military men and civilians as members, including the Prime Ministers and President ) passed resolutions to curb fundamentalist inroads into state organs, the educational system, and the fabric of society.
This did not save the government in the long run, on June 19th coalition collapsed.
Today the AKP persistently qualifies the Resolutions of the 28th of February 1997 as a “coup” and is intent on avenging it, as it is intent on avenging everything Ataturk’s secular Republic has done to create a nation state out of the derelict theocratic Ottoman Empire.


CEM RYAN TO OBAMA

 ENGLISH

On June 29th I published an article by Cem (James) Ryan, with some information about the gentleman. (See below!.) 

Mr Ryan came to attention with the letter he wrote to President Obama on inauguration day. Because of his strongly critical view of the fundamentalist oriented present Turkish government, as well of the U.S. support of it, this letter enjoyed the approval of the Kemalist circles in Turkey and as such made the rounds on the Internet. Mr. Ryan continues expressing his opinions on the new Turkish tragedy with courage, conviction and dedication that would put many a Turk to shame.

Inauguration Day
20 January 2009
 
The Honorable Barack H. Obama
President of the United States
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500
USA
 
Dear Mr. President:
 
I write this letter to you, Mr. President, with my highest and warmest regards, best wishes, and my hope for a better, more just world. I have fond memories of this particular day, 20 January, your day of inauguration as president. Forty-eight years ago-six months before you were born-I, along with my fellow West Point cadets, marched down Pennsylvania Avenue to salute the newly sworn president, John F. Kennedy. Next to graduating from West Point, it was the highlight of my life. January 20, 1961-it had snowed heavily the night before and the day dawned windy with arctic temperatures. It was perfect, a memory crystal buried deep. How young we were, so enthusiastic about confronting a dangerous world with our young president. But while euphoria is grand, it is also dangerous, Mr. President. It didn't take long for reality to take hold. And so time goes. I have now lived in Istanbul, Turkey for nine years. Over these years a "reality" has set in regarding our beloved country, America. And so I write to you today, Mr. President, to warn you about conditions in Turkey. "The world," wrote Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, "is an arena of trials." And the Bush policy of making Turkey a "moderate Islamic republic" has been, and continues to be, an arena of disasters. Mr. President, time is of the essence to correct this. And you need to know more about Turkey to do so.

Accordingly, I have enclosed two books: one a biography, Atatürk, by Andrew Mango, the other, a copy of The Great Speech by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (Nutuk in Turkish). The latter epic work flowed from the pen of Atatürk, a 36-hour speech delivered over six days in October 1927. Therein, he recounts the Turkish War of Independence and the founding of the Turkish Republic. It is an astounding document.
 
I have tried to show, in these accounts, how a great people, whose national course was considered as finished, reconquered its independence; how it created a national and modern state founded on the latest results of science. The result we have today is the fruit of teachings which arose from centuries of suffering, and the price of streams of blood which have drenched every foot of the ground of our beloved homeland. This holy treasure I lay in the hands of the youth of Turkey. Turkish youth! Your primary duty is ever to preserve and defend the national independence of the Turkish Republic. (Atatürk, The Great Speech, 715)
 
By reading this book, Mr. President, you will immediately understand the enormous genius of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. You will see how the forces of religious fundamentalism didn't magically vanish after Atatürk ended the sultanate and abolished the caliphate. Instead, they continued to subvert his revolutionary reforms from the very beginning. This is the nature of religious fundamentalism here in Turkey. It never stops. It is vital that you understand this, Mr. President. Turkey has always been a target for these dark-minded forces. And now these ignorant minds run the country. Reading the words of Mustafa Kemal will also help you marshal your own significant resources and talents, for you seem to be blessed with a capacious mind much like Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's. Decisive, informed leadership is needed today by the president of the United States. These were defining characteristics of Atatürk, along with his great personal integrity. May you learn well from him, Mr. President, a man who fought a war against religious terrorists for his entire life. 
 
Now the democratic, secular, social state of the Republic of Turkey, governed under the rule of law, is under siege, both from without and within. I know this, Mr. President, I live here, and what I know is not sanitized by political niceties and outright propaganda. The undoing of this nation, created in Atatürk's mind as a young army officer, has been long underway. But now the day is here. The black-minded ignorance of religious fundamentalism becomes more apparent every minute. Alcohol bans, women shoved under politically symbolic headscarves at the behest of duplicitous politicians, a compliant, subverted media.  Here, so-called "liberals" work in compliance with outside forces (your CIA, for example, Mr. President). And the corruption of the religious ruling party is stunning and stinks to the high heavens from theft, rampant bribery, and election fraud. Currently, a scam called Ergenekon purges the left-wing opposition rivals (all adherents of the enlightened principles of Atatürk). To further contaminate his work, a smattering of outright criminals is added to the list of detainees. All this and more has brought democratic Turkey near its knees. And Mustafa Kemal Atatürk never knelt for anyone, ever. As a child he even refused to play leapfrog.
 
European Union members, who never read him, wonder why so much fuss is made about Atatürk. Of similar traitorous stripe as the "entente liberals" of Atatürk's day who conspired with the British occupiers for a mandate over Turkey, today's  "liberal" Turks (liboş) fall over themselves subverting secular Turkey and the principles of Atatürk, in the name of democracy. The ruling party works its religious agenda demeaning the integrity of women at every turn, debasing the liberation of women by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. And the United States of America, our country Mr. President, directly aids and abets these subversive forces. This is shameful.
 
Mr. President, most Americans remain ignorant about Turkey and, amazingly, even more so about Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Without knowing this man one knows nothing about this country. The enclosed books are my attempt to prevent you learning about Turkey solely by reading sterile briefing books, self-serving CIA studies, State Department policy papers, memoranda from your national security advisors, and, most particularly, reports from the western press. Most of the Turkish press, and, in particular, the current Turkish government are similarly ever-willing purveyors of self-interested propaganda. Beware, Mr. President, for you will receive regurgitations of superficial, stale, and even incorrect information, like the Bushian nonsense that Turkey is a "moderate Islamic nation." Via the headscarf issue-the "ocular proof" of piety for western consumption-this ill-conceived initiative, without any Koranic justification, has created a gigantic, violent, societal schism in Turkey. Mr. President, is America a moderate Christian nation? I mean, should Americans wear visible crucifixes? Please reconsider this nonsensical policy, Mr. President. (Again, read The Great Speech to see how religious subversions beset Atatürk at every turn.)

One will be able to imagine how necessary the carrying through of these measures was, in order to prove that our nation as a whole was no primitive nation, filled with superstitions and prejudices. Could a civilized nation tolerate a mass of people who let themselves be led by the nose by a herd of Þeyhs, Dedes, Seyyits, Çelebis, Babas, and Emirs, who entrusted their destiny and their lives to palm readers, magicians, dice-throwers and amulet sellers? Ought one to preserve in the Turkish State, in the Turkish Republic, elements and institutions such as those which had for centuries given the nation the appearance of being other than it really was? (Atatürk, The Great Speech, 714)
 
Mr. President, even worse than misinformation, you will be regaled with assertions and protestations that the current religious-rooted government is representative and similar to the majority of Turkish people. Mr. President, it is extremely dangerous for you, and for the United States, to be deceived in this manner. Indeed this must sound strange to you, Mr. President, but it is true. There is a great muffling happening in Turkey today. So I caution you, to become truly aware of the situation in Turkey, you must first meet Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in depth. You must come to enlightenment about Turkey on your own recognizance, Mr. President, and not rely on the misinformed, the flatterers, and the deceivers, of whom there are legion.
 
While you may think you are different, Mr. President, be forewarned that, despite your access to the bright minds of the CIA, the State Department, and your White House staff, you will not get a true idea of the essence of Turkey, the nation. You may learn about this Turkish government, but that's not learning about the Turkish nation. And you will certainly not learn anything from members of the present Turkish government about the nation's soul.

The essence of the modern Turkish soul reposes in the materials I have sent, in a word, Atatürk. His accomplishments-military, political, social, educational, creative-represent a quest for justice for the collective life of his people, and in no small regard, for the world. "Peace at home, peace in the world," he famously said. He possessed, as I suspect you do as well, Mr. President, what Reinhold Niebuhr called the "sublime madness in the soul," saved from excessiveness by unusually astute powers of reason. So armed, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk battled against the powers of darkness and spiritual corruption in high places. So armed, he rescued his people from the debris of the Ottoman Empire. Today, his thoughts and deeds define the existential principles of the Turkish nation. But, Mr. President, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is now under attack from outside Turkey and within.

Nevertheless, his principles still inspire tens of millions of proudly secular Turks who long for the truly democratic nation he established. Believe me Mr. President, the "secular elite" described by the disgracefully biased and ill-informed writings of Sabrina Tavernise of The New York Times as "an immensely powerful coterie of generals and judges" is nonsense. Millions of us-yes, Mr. President, I too am a citizen of Turkey-took to the streets in the spring of 2007 against the policies of the U.S.-backed Erdoğan government. And matters have become even more dire since. Mr. President, perhaps you don't know what's going on with this government.

In the name of democracy, the ruling party, the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and Development Party) has made a shambles of Turkey's founding principles. In the name of democracy there is vast bribing of the AKP electorate, predominantly poor and uneducated, with coal and appliances. Higher court deliberations on suits against the ruling party are regularly attacked by the ruling party, particularly by the prime minister, and literal targets (complete with crosshairs) are made of individual judges in the religious press. In the name of democracy and social justice and legal egalitarianism, an enormous purge of hundreds of alleged opponents of the ruling party is taking place in a "fishing expedition" called Ergenekon. A literal witch hunt, so-called suspect members of a military-coup conspiracy ring are held without benefit of writs of habeas corpus; they have been held in jail-some for over 18 months-without being charged and later prejudicially tried in jail. Writers, journalists, university presidents, labor union leaders, lawyers, retired army officers, leftists all, are caught up in this disgrace of a dragnet. (As mentioned earlier, some ordinary criminals are mixed in for pollution purposes.) Mr. President, I write to you on their behalf, the educated, western-thinking intelligentia, now imprisoned in a Turkish gulag called Silivri, the largest prison in Turkey, and in Europe. And that's where they are tried! In the prison! So you, Mr. President, as an attorney, undoubtedly instantly understand the extremely prejudicial nature of this trumped-up case.  
 
Mass arrests typically happen immediately after the ruling party suffers a legal or corruption setback. For example, consider its trial in early 2008 where the AKP was found guilty of being the center of anti-secular activity in Turkey. A second roundup occurred as a result of a German charitable foundation called Deniz Feneri, "lighthouse" in English. Organized by Turks in both Germany and Turkey, Deniz Feneri stole 41 million euros from pious Turks in Germany and transferred 17 million of it to Turkey, some to media companies friendly to the ruling party. The AKP manager, Zahid Akman, of the Turkish government's televison and radio system (RTYK), was identified by the court as the bagman. He remains in his position, dutifully protecting the nation's morals by blurring televised images of smoking and the consumption of alcohol. The German prosecutor stated that links of the Deniz Feneri embezzlement were traced to the office of the prime ministry. 
The movement of Turkey toward sharia continues. Vast areas of the nation have been made alcohol-free. Swimsuit advertisements are banned in Istanbul. The Atatürk Cultural Center, located in prime space in downtown Istanbul, has been closed. No details are given regarding its status. Consequently, the Istanbul symphony, opera, and ballet, all state sponsored, have been sent packing. They are rumored to perform occasionally, somewhere. So much for cultural enlightenment. Oddly enough, Istanbul has been selected to be the European Capital of Culture in 2010; this is known as political lip service.
 
Mr. President, for too long a time America has attempted to efface the Turkish soul, to reshape this country, to include it in the American hegemony. All this subversion has been to, in effect, lobotomize the Turkish brain, ridding it of the noble thoughts of Atatürk, making it a congenial dolt, bowing and scraping to America's wishes. Internally, this has been the primary responsibility of the ruling party. And it has done its job very well, almost bringing the once proud nation of Atatürk to its knees. Once, after a waiter dropped a heavily laden tray at a state dinner, Mustafa Kemal turned to his foreign guests and said, "As you can see I have taught my people to do everything but serve." How ironic, how angering to the followers of Atatürk is the current servile, US-installed government. Consider this, Mr. President. Banned from running from office, without any legal credentials whatsoever, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was welcomed to the White House by George W. Bush as de facto head of the Turkish government. How outrageous! No wonder Erdoğan, habitually a dour, scowling man, beamed broadly whenever he visited Bush. Do not be deceived Mr. President, this government neither serves you, nor the Turkish people. In the name of so-called democracy, it serves itself.
 
It has long been at its destructive work, this imperialism. You know this personally, Mr. President. Why your very roots-one foot in Hawaii, the other in Kenya, your days of youth in Indonesia-all these highly personal experiences have surely informed your persona. Surely they speak to you of the same issue that so afflicts Turkey. Imperialism. Internal subversion. Corruption.
 
When Mustafa Kemal Atatürk rescued Turkey from the ruins of the Ottoman five hundred year reign, he established a new way for the Turkish people to live their lives. It was the way of enlightenment, the western way. I hope that you can now begin to see how the west, for its own ill-reasoned self-interest, has encouraged the sabotaging of the enlightened principles of Atatürk. Most importantly, I hope that this whets your reading appetite to learn more about this incomparable man.
 
Mr. President, I am confident that you will adopt your policies, both within America, and without, in the spirit of those stirring words you wrote in Dreams from My Father about a different kind of politics:
 "That politics will need to reflect our lives as they are actually lived."  

The majority of Turkish people want the very same thing. And if the United States can get out of their way, they can have it. 

Sincerely yours,
James (Cem) Ryan


Interestingly, that was not the only letter Mr. Ryan wrote to President Obama. Here's another one.




20 October 2009

The Honorable Barack H. Obama
President of the United States
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500

Dear Mr. President:

I wrote to you on 20 January 2009, the day of your inauguration as president, about the dire conditions prevailing in the Republic of Turkey.  Today I stand by every word that I then wrote. Even more so, since conditions are now much worse. I suggest you reread this letter before you again meet with any Turkish politician. Accordingly, I have listed below the access internet addresses.

The problem, as we both know, is the nature of the increasingly hard-line Islamic ruling party, the AKP. On 29 October 2009 you will have another opportunity to meet with its leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. This is a date of terrifying irony. Eighty-six years ago, to the day, Turkey was proclaimed a republic. Thus centuries of backwardness by the sharia Ottoman Empire, the nightmare of dark-mindedness, the suppression of women, the illiteracy and ignorance of the population, all these civil transgressions were finally consigned to the garbage dump of history. Hope had arrived at last. The rescue mission of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk had been successful and would proceed. (Note: Incredibly, Erdoğan and his minions label these grand achievements as "traumatic.") A few hours before the republic was proclaimed, Mustafa Kemal remarked to a French journalist, "Can one name a single nation that has not turned toward the West in its quest for civilization?"

Now, eighty-six years later, one can finally answer Mustafa Kemal. Thanks to Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the USA, your CIA, the European Union, and plenty of dollars filling the gaping pockets of politicians, hack journalists, outright traitors and, as Mustafa Kemal would say, selected "ignoramuses" there IS one such nation: Mustafa Kemal's Turkey, today's Turkey. Indeed, today's Turkey has turned its back on the West. But its quest? The inept government seems incapable of answering that question. Beyond personal corruption, fantastic plundering, fabulous enrichment, suppression of women, extrajudicial imprisonments, destruction of the natural environment, and general lawlessness, no plan has emerged during its seven-year term in office. The 15 October 2009 article, "How Turkey Was Lost", in the Jerusalem Post says it all.

And you have helped too, Mr President. Were you surprised by Erdoğan's antics in Davos? By his attempt to storm your Secret Service barricade outside the hotel in New York City? By his sudden ranting about Israel? Mr President, you shouldn't be, for this is the quality of the man. You proceed with the likes of him and his people at your, and our, peril. In my earlier letter to you I wrote: "Do not be deceived Mr. President, this government neither serves you, nor the Turkish people. In the name of so-called democracy, it serves itself." Nothing more need be said.
Today, on all counts, Turkey and the people of Turkey have failed. They have failed Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. They have failed themselves. Else how could they so submissively tolerate a government formed by the likes of Erdoğan and his AKP. Mr President, on 29 October 2009, you will see the personification of this profound, tragic failure in the normally scowling face of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, painfully contorted into his "White House smile!"
Mr President, quite simply, Turkey has become an Islamic fascist state. Cameras and listening devices abound. People are identified for arrest by the government-controlled press. Even I, Mr President, have been fingered by a newspaper hack widely known to be a mouthpiece for the president of the republic. Mr President, this lawless government has trashed the constitution. Jails are loaded with patriots--journalists, scientists, physicians, writers, retired military officers, businessmen--all opposed to the destruction of the legacy of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Mr President, there is no significant difference between the doings of this government and what went on in Germany in the early Thirties, or in Pinochet's Chile in the Seventies. None!
Lawless politicians! Lawless judges! Lawless prosecutors! Lawless police! Lawless! Lawless! Lawless"

On 29 October 2009, the 86th anniversary of the founding of Republic of Turkey, you, Mr President, will meet with the Turkish prime minister. Perhaps this will be the day you both announce the birthday of the Islamic Republic of Turkey. Given what has happened to Turkey at the hands of the United States since Atatürk died, nothing would surprise me. And nothing would please Erdoğan more. And you, Mr President, should know.

Sincerely yours,

James (Cem) Ryan, Ph.D.
Istanbul, Turkey

 Jumping back a step, here is what Mr. Ryan posted before the elections in 2009.



And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,Slouches toward Bethlehem to be born?W. B. Yeats, The Second Coming


Mark the day! This Sunday, 29 March 2009, the 86 year-old Turkish Republic founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk votes. Ah democracy! Its distinctive aroma fills the already polluted air (and airwaves) endlessly replenished by the gasbag pundits. The ruling party, the AKP—in effect Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan himself—has campaigned relentlessly, a televised montage of ubiquity. Buses, helicopters, and jets transport his essence, acclaimed by admirers as the new sultan, widely about the land. He descends denying any and all problems that so beseige his people, decries at the top of his lungs the inept opposition, and ignores completely the widespread corrupton that gnaws at the Turkish soul. He bellows in front of enormous pictures of Atatürk, a man he obviously despises. Why such a frenzied pace? Easy. To go for the knockout of his wobbly, geriatric, brain-dazed political opponents who so abstractly support the constitutional notion of the “democratic, secular and social state governed by the rule of law,” that is, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s Republic of Turkey, established on 29 October 1923,  now in its 86th year, and in fast failing health.


Like the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, the inept and scattered opposition seems to have suddenly awakened to the now seven year-old fait accompli power grab by the religious ruling party. Now, constitutionally guaranteed rights are routinely violated by the government. Police violence is rampant. Vocal left wing opposition are in jail under an unconstitutional scam called Ergenekon. The Turkish judicial system is in shreds. The army is defamed and seems powerless. Religious rule lurks. Hello! Hello! Poverty, corruption, unemployment, and hopelessness rage. But most Turks don’t seem to be the least upset, as may well be seen on Sunday.


One need not travel far to see historical parallels for what is happening in today’s Turkey. Just examine the history of similar US-induced mega-shocks in Iran (1953), Guatamala (1954), Chile (1956-1973), Brazil (1964), Bolivia (1971), and the ongoing fiasco in Iraq. It is a depressing legacy of America’s attempts to remake the world to suit its own self-interest. Bribery, violence, subversion, extortion, blackmail, torture, anti-modernism, anti-feminism, anti-intellectualism, economic exploitation, disappearance, destruction of collective cultural memory, economic deregulation, privatization, social spending cuts, book burnings, newspaper closings, street demonstration bans, cleaning of university faculties, so goes the full catastrophe of American meddling. A question for the Turks! Does any of this sound familiar?

Turkey is now defined by poverty, corruption, unemployment, and hopelessness. Its enormous youthful population is particularly dispirited. Divisiveness is sown by forces within and without the country. And Turkey’s so-called democracy, now in its 86th year, slouches toward another election. To what end? 


There is another day to mark well. January 30, 1933. On this day another aged entity, the 86 year-old president of Germany, Paul von Hindenberg, appointed Adolph Hitler chancellor. The takeover was complete. It is vital to remember that Hitler’s rise to power was accomplished democratically. It seems to have been all so terribly easy. Hitler was dynamic, modern, and skillful. He was the first politician to take to the skies using airplanes during the 1932 campaign. Like a god he descended from the heavens to greet his minions. His party, the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) had its own newspaper group, the infamous Völkischer Beobachter and Goebbel’s own Der Angriff. Propaganda reigned supreme. The exagerrated threat from left wing Marxists, the touting of religion. (“Religion is not an opiate but sustenance for the soul of the Volk,” said Hitler), the emphasis of keeping women at home, the linking of organized labor with subversive forces, the weak political opposition whose only idea was to defend democracy—all these issues sped Hitler’s democratic rise to ultimate power in January 1933. A month later the Reichstag burned and civil liberties were soon thereafter suspended. All political opposition along with the trade unions were crushed. As president, Hindenberg was commander-in-chief of the German armed forces. A former war hero, the Prussian was revered by the German military. And Hitler, the new chancellor, needed the support of the military. Though he detested Hindenberg, in public appearances Hitler appeared constantly by the aging hero’s side. The ambitious man with the scrubby mustache was not stupid. Paul von Hindenberg died at the age of 86. And German democracy was buried with him. This Sunday, the 86 year-old Turkish democracy founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk votes. Whither?  


Cem Ryan, Ph.D.

Istanbul
25 March 2009
And how about this next one? Posted on the web two years ago, I just recently stumbled on it. Similarities to some of my own posts- the reference to Emile Zola and the Dreyfus affair, to "Alice in Wonderland", and ending with the injunction: KORKMA! (Fear Not!) are coincidences, at most they show thar common sense leads to similar conclusions.

Mr. Ryan also  makes mention of the eminence grise of Turkish politics, Fethullah Gülen, the Islamist guru who skillfully and maliciously manipulates Turkey's fate from his U.S. ranch .



A dungeon horrible, on all sides round,
As one great furnace flamed; yet from those flames
No light; but rather darkness visible
Served only to discover sights of woe,
Regions of sorrow, doleful shades, where peace
And rest can never dwell, hope never comes
That comes to all, but torture without end
Still urges, and a fiery deluge, fed
With ever-burning sulphur unconsumed.

John Milton
Paradise Lost

When Emile Zola published his historic letter, J’Accuse, addressed to the President of France, in L’Aurore newspaper on 13 January 1898, he was rich and famous. But that did not stop his mighty anger. Outraged by the travesty of justice that resulted in the false arrest, conviction, and imprisonment of Alfred Dreyfus, a loyal Jewish army officer, he appealed to the president and the nation for reason and justice to prevail.

Dreyfus was convicted by falsified evidence and forged documents, and was a scapegoat for the thoroughly corrupt French Army general staff. He had been imprisoned at a hell hole called Devil’s Island for three years when Zola wrote his letter.

Zola did so for two reasons. First, to draw the public’s attention to the shameful miscarriage of justice. Second, to provoke his own arrest for libel so that new evidence could be introduced that would prove Dreyfus innocent. He succeeded on both counts. Dreyfus was cleared in 1899 and fully exonerated and reinstated in the French Army in 1906. Zola died under suspicious circumstances on 29 September 1902, “a moment in the history of human conscience,” as eulogized by Anatole France.

On 29 September 2010, 108 years to the day after Zola’s death, the ongoing disaster called Turkey received yet another Pinochet-style shock in its struggle to retain its secularity. Hanefi Avcı, the head of the police department in the city of Eskişehir, was arrested for writing a best seller. His book laid bare the widely suspected fact that Turkey’s highest government institution’s—police, army, and judicial system—had been infiltrated and indeed subverted by a religious cemaat, the Fethullah Gülen movement.  Since Avcı himself was once an eager activist for Gülen’s cemaat, the book has a certain whiff of authenticity.

And yesterday, Avcı was arrested. The reason? The usual nonsense of the Ergenekon prosecutor. It seems that suddenly the previously highly esteemed police chief has connections with a terrorist organization. Was the terror organization the Gülen movement?  Ha, ha, ha, no not quite. The Gülenista government of Turkey, also known as the AKP, paid no attention to the compelling information in Avcı’s book about their sugar daddy, Gülen. It decided on some other “terror group,” some socialist or maybe, horror of horrors, some communist operation. Another Alice-in-Wonderland group, cobbled together with false documents and bogus telephone conversations, using the latest listening and stealth technology provided by…guess who?
Avcı refused to file a petition suggested by his lawyer to demand release from prison pending presentation of formal charges. Like Zola, he wants to experience the whole disgusting mess called Turkish justice. He also refuses to speak to any judicial or prosecutorial officials that he suspects of being members of the Gülen cemaat. But Avcı says that he will talk, at his trial. Like Emile Zola, may he sing long and loud.

Hanefi Avcı, KORKMA!